Qué tengo que/de hazer?": variación y cambio lingüístico en el seno de las perífrasis de infinitivo a partir de textos escritos de impronta oral en el español clásico
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comunitat-uji-handle2:10234/8016
comunitat-uji-handle3:10234/8623
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Títol
Qué tengo que/de hazer?": variación y cambio lingüístico en el seno de las perífrasis de infinitivo a partir de textos escritos de impronta oral en el español clásicoData de publicació
2014-10Editor
De GruyterCita bibliogràfica
BLAS ARROYO, José Luis; GONZÁLEZ MARTÍNEZ, Juan. ‘¿ Qué tengo que/de hazer?’: variación y cambio lingüístico en el seno de las perífrasis de infinitivo a partir de textos escritos de impronta oral en el español clásico. Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics, 2014, 7.2: 241-274.Tipus de document
info:eu-repo/semantics/articleVersió de l'editorial
http://www.degruyter.com/dg/viewarticle/j$002fshll.2014.7.issue-2$002fshll-2014- ...Versió
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionParaules clau / Matèries
Resum
Based on a corpus of communicative immediacy texts from the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, written by Spaniards of different social background, in this
study we carry out a variationist research in order to ... [+]
Based on a corpus of communicative immediacy texts from the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, written by Spaniards of different social background, in this
study we carry out a variationist research in order to analyze the envelope of
variation which lies behind the alternation between two infinitive modal periphrases
in classical Spanish: tener de and tener que + infinitive. The results show how this
morphosyntactic variation, far from being a case of free variation, as sometimes has
been maintained, is determined by several factors. Among them some of a linguistic
nature stand out (aktionsart, person, time, modality sense, sentential modality),
although several regularities in the distribution of data also point out towards the
potential influence of some stylistic and dialectal constraints. Moreover, the analysis
of the diachronic axis allows us to observe the existence of a relevant change in
progress, not only in the gradual replacement of tener de by tener que, but also in
the explanatory relevance of certain constraints. Thus, some of the linguistic
contexts most frequent in the corpus, such as the present tense, the affirmative
sentences and the 3rd person, progressively abandon their association with the more
traditional variant (tener de) in favor of tener que as time goes by. This helps to
understand how, at the end of the classical period, tener que has already overtaken
its old competitor, in a process which will be completed in the centuries to come,
leaving tener de to some restricted dialectal uses in modern Spanish. [-]
Publicat a
Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics. Volume 7, Issue 2, Fall 2014Drets d'accés
http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/CNE/1.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
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